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NOTE: Zbigniew Brezinski (former secretary of State) is the co-founder with David Rockefeller of the Elite "behind closed doors" Trilateral Commission in 1973, and served as one of the MAJI on the Majesty-12 and JASON Group of "wise men"... His MJ12 work for MAJIC (Majority for Joint Intelligence Control) continues.

MAJI is 38 levels Above Top Secret, founded by NSC 5412/2 in the Eisenhower administration with Nelsen Rockefeller. This security clearence is higher in "need to know" than the US president. Wisdom will see the gravity here... Midway it in compassion. Not in wrath. Let the Cup of Gravity Overflow free Golden Wisdom of coherency to all.

-Ananda, September 17, 2001

Getting used to the idea of double standards

The underlying maxim is: we will punish the crimes of

our enemies and reward the crimes of our friends

 

by Tariq Ali

 

The Independent, 15 September 2001

Posted 16 September 2001

 

On a trip to Pakistan a few years ago I was talking to a former general about the

militant Islamist groups in the region. I asked him why these people, who had

happily accepted funds and weapons from the United States throughout the Cold

War, had become violently anti-American overnight. He explained that they were

not alone. Many Pakistani officers who had served the US loyally from 1951

onwards felt humiliated by Washington's indifference.

 

"Pakistan was the condom the Americans needed to enter Afghanistan," he said.

"We've served our purpose and they think we can be just flushed down the

toilet." The old condom is being fished out for use once again, but will it work?

The new "coalition against terrorism" needs the services of the Pakistan Army, but

Pakistan's president, General Pervez Musharraf, will have to be extremely

cautious. An over-commitment to Washington could split the armed forces and

lead to civil war in Pakistan. A great deal has changed over the last two decades,

but the ironies of history continue to multiply.

 

In Pakistan itself, Islamism derived its strength from state patronage rather than

popular support. The ascendancy of religious fundamentalism is the legacy of a

previous military dictator, General Zia-ul-Haq, who received backing from

Washington and London during his 11 years as dictator.

 

During his rule (1977-89), a network of madrassahs (religious boarding schools),

funded by the Saudi regime, were created. The children, who were later sent to

fight as mujahedeen in Afghanistan, were taught to banish all doubt. The only

truth was divine truth. Anyone who rebelled against the imam rebelled against

Allah. The madrassahs had only one aim: the production of deracinated fanatics in

the name of a bleak Islamic cosmopolitanism. The primers taught that the Urdu

letter jeem stood for jihad; tay for tope (cannon), kaaf for Kalashnikov and khay

for khoon (blood).

 

The 2,500 madrassahs produced a crop of 225,000 fanatics ready to kill and die

for their faith when asked to do so by their religious leaders. Dispatched across

the border by the Pakistan Army, they were hurled into battle against other

Muslims they were told were not true Muslims. The Taliban creed is an

ultra-sectarian strain, inspired by the Wahhabi sect that rules Saudi Arabia. The

severity of the Afghan mullahs has been denounced by Sunni clerics at al-Azhar in

Cairo and Shi-ite theologians in Qom as a disgrace to the Prophet.

 

The Taliban could not, however, have captured Kabul on their own via an excess

of religious zeal. They were armed and commanded by "volunteers" from the

Pakistan Army. If Islamabad decided to pull the plug, the Taliban could be

dislodged, but not without serious problems. The victory in Kabul counts as the

Pakistani Army's only triumph.

 

To this day,the former US Secretary of State Zbigniew Brezinski remains

unrepentant: "What was more important in the world view of history?" he asks

with more than a touch of irritation, "the Taliban or the fall of the Soviet Empire?

A few stirred-up Muslims or the liberation of Central Europe and the end of the

Cold War?" If Hollywood rules necessitate a short, sharp war against the new

enemy, the American Caesar would be best-advised not to insist on Pakistani

legions.

 

The consequences could be dire: a brutal and vicious civil war creating more

bitterness and encouraging more acts of terrorism. Islamabad will do everything to

prevent a military expedition to Afghanistan.

 

What is more likely is that Osama bin Laden will be sacrificed in the interests of

the greater cause and handed over, dead or alive, to Washington. But will that be

enough? The only solution is political. It requires removing the causes that create

the discontent. It is despair that feeds fanaticism and it is a result of Washington's

policies in the Middle East and elsewhere.

 

The orthodox casuistry among factotums, columnists and courtiers of the

Washington regime is symbolised by Prime Minister Tony Blair's personal

assistant for foreign affairs, ex-diplomat Robert Cooper, who writes openly: "We

need to get used to the idea of double standards."

 

The underlying maxim of this cynicism is: we will punish the crimes of our

enemies and reward the crimes of our friends. Isn't that at least preferable to

universal impunity? To this the answer is simple: "punishment" along these lines

does not reduce but breeds criminality, by those who wield it.

 

The Gulf and Balkan wars were copy-book examples of the moral blank cheque

of a selective vigilantism. Israel can defy UN resolutions with impunity, Turkey

can crush its Kurds, India can tyrannise Kashmir, Russia can destroy Groszny,

but it is Iraq which has to be punished and it is the Palestinians who continue to

suffer.

 

Cooper continues: "Advice to post-modern states: accept that intervention in the

pre-modern is going to be a fact of life. Such interventions may not solve

problems, but they may salve the conscience. And they are not necessarily the

worse for that." Try explaining that to the survivors in New York and

Washington.

 

The URL of this article is:

http://globalresearch.ca/articles/ALI109A.html

 

Copyright Tariq Ali, The Independent, 2001. For fair use only